Assignment: Literature Review on Abortion without Parental Consent

Assignment: Literature Review on Abortion without Parental Consent ORDER NOW FOR CUSTOMIZED AND ORIGINAL ESSAY PAPERS ON Assignment: Literature Review on Abortion without Parental Consent Please read attached article in it’s entirety and complete a 500 word minimum literature review. Assignment: Literature Review on Abortion without Parental Consent coleman_minahan_et_al_2020_perspectives_on_sexual_and_reproductive_health.pdf Adolescents Obtaining Abortion Without Parental Consent: Their Reasons and Experiences of Social Support CONTEXT: Most states require adolescents younger than 18 to involve a parent prior to obtaining an abortion, yet little is known about adolescents’ reasons for choosing abortion or the social support received by those who seek judicial bypass of parental consent for abortion. METHODS: In-depth interviews were conducted with 20 individuals aged 16–19 who sought judicial bypass in Texas between 2015 and 2016 to explore why they chose to get an abortion, who they involved in their decision and what their experiences of social support were. Data were analyzed thematically using stigma and social support theories. RESULTS: Participants researched their pregnancy options and involved others in their decisions. They chose abor- tion because parenting would limit their futures, and they believed they could not provide a child with all of her or his needs. Anticipated stigma motivated participants to keep their decision private, although they desired emotional and material support. Not all male partners agreed with adolescents’ decisions to seek an abortion, and agreement by some males did not guarantee emotional or material support; some young women described their partners’ giving them the “freedom” to make the decision as avoiding responsibility. After a disclosure of their abortion decision, some participants experienced enacted stigma, including shame and emotional abuse. CONCLUSIONS: Abortion stigma influences adolescents’ disclosure of their abortion decisions and limits their social support. Fears of disclosing their pregnancies and abortion decisions are justified, and policymakers should consider how laws requiring parental notification may harm adolescents. Further research is needed on adolescents’ experiences with abortion stigma. Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 2020, 52(1):TK, doi:10.1363/psrh.12132 Most U.S. states require minors (adolescents younger than 18) to involve a parent, through either notification or consent, before obtaining an abortion.1 However, even in the absence of parental involvement laws, most adolescents who decide to terminate a pregnancy involve a parent— most often their mother,2–5 who often supports their decision.3,4 When adolescents do not involve a parent, they report fear of their parents’ reactions to the pregnancy or termination, including violence, abandonment or being forced to continue the pregnancy.2,5–7 Yet, little is known about the type of social support received by adolescents who choose not to involve a parent in the decision to terminate a pregnancy. Texas requires individuals younger than 18 to obtain parental consent for an abortion. Those who cannot or do not want to involve a parent can try to obtain a judicial bypass of parental consent by proving to a judge that they are well-informed about their pregnancy decision and mature enough to make it, or that parental consent is not in their best interest. Assignment: Literature Review on Abortion without Parental Consent This requires them to work with an attorney, be interviewed by a court-appointed guardian ad litem (an adult who acts in the minor’s best interest) and speak to a judge in court. The social context of abortion decision making among adolescents can be more fully understood by examining theories of abortion stigma. Goffman’s theory of stigma8 is the basis for an emerging literature on abortion Volume 52, Number 1, March 2020 stigmatization.9–11 According to Goffman, people associated with “deviant” behaviors or identities must conceal their stigmatized identity in order to avoid experiencing discrimination.8 A person who is considering or has had an abortion could experience three types of stigma: anticipated stigma, anticipating they will be treated differently because of the abortion; enacted stigma, experiencing shame or discrimination by others; or internalized stigma, subscribing to social attitudes that classify abortion as a deviant choice.9,12 Kumar and colleagues10 hypothesized that abortion is stigmatized because it defies three gender norms: women should have no sexual desire outside procreation, all women will become mothers, and women are naturally caring and nurturing. Thus, choosing to end a pregnancy can be considered “unnatural.”10,13 Women who choose abortion are labeled as “irresponsible” because avoiding pregnancy is viewed as women’s “sexual responsibility.”9 Research has suggested that some women keep their abortion a secret because of anticipated stigma, and some experience enacted stigma when they disclose their abortion because they are shamed or judged.9,14,15 However, adolescents are rarely included in this work. Studies have found various benefits of social support, including reduced negative psychological outcomes from stressful life events.16,17 Cohen and Wills defined four types of social support: emotional, providing validation; informational, sharing knowledge; companionship, spending time By Kate ColemanMinahan, Amanda Jean Stevenson, Emily Obront and Susan Hays Kate ColemanMinahan is assistant professor, College of Nursing, University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus, Aurora. Amanda Jean Stevenson is assistant professor, Department of Sociology, University of Colorado, Boulder. Emily Obront is a social worker and Susan Hays is an attorney, both in Austin, Texas. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons AttributionNonCommercialNoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is noncommercial and no modifications or adaptations are made. Obtaining Abortion Without Parental Consent together; and material, providing resources.16 Although abortion is common, safe and effective,18 choosing and obtaining an abortion is a stressful life event for some women because of barriers to access19,20 and stigma. A lack of social support is associated with less decisional certainty, and anticipated3,21 or experienced15,22,23 negative emotions. Prior research has found that almost all adolescents who do not involve a parent involve at least one other person in their abortion decision.2,4,24,25 Ehrlich, who interviewed minors seeking judicial bypass for abortion in Massachusetts, found that participants desired autonomy but sought information and advice from trusted individuals: They all involved male partners and half also involved a friend.25 However, these studies are now dated and do not describe the involvement of others in any depth or consider the role of stigma in the participants’ abortion decisions. During adolescence, social support broadens, but the family, which is necessary for healthy adolescent development, remains the core of social support.26,27 Most studies on sexuality, stigma and social support focus on adolescents who do not conform to gender or sexual identities; these studies have found that these adolescents have poorer mental health than heterosexual, cisgender adolescents— and that social stigma and discrimination may explain this association.27–30 The limited research on stigma, social support, and pregnancy and abortion among adolescents includes a study by Wiemann and colleagues,31 who found that family criticism and social isolation were associated with stigmatization among postpartum adolescents. Hall and colleagues32 found that young women in Ghana anticipated and experienced stigma for sexual activity, pregnancy or abortion, resulting in secrecy about these decisions; social support increased stigma resilience. Assignment: Literature Review on Abortion without Parental Consent Using data from qualitative interviews with 20 young women who sought judicial bypass of parental consent in Texas, and relying on the aforementioned theoretical frameworks, we extend our previous work6 to explore how adolescents who choose to obtain a bypass make their decision to have an abortion and whom they involve in the decision, including the males involved in their pregnancies. METHODS Recruitment and Data Collection We drew on data from a study designed to evaluate young women’s experiences obtaining judicial bypass for abortion in 2015–2016, before and after Texas restructured the judicial bypass process in 2016.*6 We worked with Jane’s Due Process (JDP), a nonprofit organization in Texas that assists young women throughout the bypass process. A member of the research team who had worked at JDP *Changes included extending the maximum time between case filing and hearing, requiring the hearing to occur in the county where the minor resides, and increasing the evidentiary standard from preponderance of the evidence to clear and convincing. This standard describes how much evidence the minor must provide to prove that she is either mature and well-informed or that securing parental consent is not in her best interest (source: Texas House of Representatives, HB 3994, 2015). used client records to recruit former clients who had sought judicial bypass after January 1, 2015. She contacted potential participants by text message or phone call, screened those interested by phone and scheduled interviews. We purposively sampled to ensure we included participants who were not living with a parent; were from diverse locations across Texas, including urban, rural and suburban counties of residence; had a court-appointed attorney; were currently parenting; or were denied judicial bypass. We excluded those deemed by JDF staff to have unstable living arrangements or those whose safety could be compromised by contact. Of the 93 potential participants contacted, 30 responded; 23 of these individuals were screened while seven were not interested in participating. Twenty-one phone interviews were scheduled, and 20 individuals completed interviews. All participants identified as women who had a male sexual partner. The lead author conducted semistructured interviews on the following topics: current family structure, current level of education or employment, and future academic and career plans; experiences finding out and feelings about pregnancy; decisions to seek an abortion and to do it through judicial bypass; and experiences with the bypass process and obtaining an abortion. Interviews were audio-recorded and lasted 30 ? 60 minutes. Recordings were destroyed after verbatim transcription by research assistants. The University of Texas at Austin institutional review board approved the study, including a waiver of documentation of consent for participants 18 or older and a waiver of parental consent and documentation of assent for participants younger than 18. No identifying information was collected. Analysis We conducted a thematic analysis based on a five-step process: reading, coding, reducing, displaying and hypothesis testing.33,34 After reading transcripts and interviewer notes, the first two authors developed a preliminary coding scheme based on our research questions, prior literature, and theoretical frameworks of social support,16 abortion8–10 and sexual stigma, while allowing themes to emerge.12,28 These two authors reviewed codes for consistency, refined codes and recoded based on new coding schemes.Assignment: Literature Review on Abortion without Parental Consent Using Atlas.ti for data organization, we exported transcript segments organized by codes relevant to this analysis, for example, abortion decision reasons; process of the decision; worries about the decision; and individuals involved in the decision, judicial bypass process or abortion. We then displayed smaller chunks of coded data in tables, matrices and diagrams to visualize how the codes fit together. We interpreted data by summarizing and categorizing each participant’s experience and developing hypotheses to explain how data were situated in the broader social context. We returned to the transcripts to verify that data were accurately categorized and described, and to ensure nothing was missed. All authors, including the last two—who had worked at JDP directly with young women seeking judicial bypass—discussed and checked the final results. Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health Data and quotations are presented with pseudonyms, and we generally refer to participants as “young women” after JDP staff asked two clients who did not participate in the study how they preferred to be described (e.g., adolescent, young woman, teen). We refer to the “male involved in the pregnancy” throughout the paper because not all participants had a boyfriend when they became pregnant or during the judicial bypass process. the permanent nature of the decision: “A baby isn’t really something that after you get tired of it you can just toss it away.” And they frequently encouraged a hypothetical young woman to “look at all your options” and “make sure it’s the correct decision…because it is permanent, there’s no ‘Oh my goodness, what did I just do, can I get it back?’” •A multifaceted decision. All of the participants, except Ana—who ultimately decided to parent—eventually decided that abortion was the right decision for them. RESULTS They considered the decision in the context of both their Three participants were 16, and 17 of them were 17, at current and future families. Sixteen participants said they the time of the judicial bypass; they were between 16 and chose abortion because they were too young and because 19 when they were interviewed. Of the 20 participants, 10 parenting at this time would interfere with their educawere Latinx or Hispanic, four were black, two were white, tional and career goals, and result in a less desirable life one was Asian, and three were of mixed or unknown race for a child. Jessica recalled thinking, “I cannot have a child, or ethnicity. Eight participants lived in urban Texas and I’m 17, I have my whole future ahead of me. I planned to six each in suburban or rural Texas; all spoke English. go to the university of my dreams.” Similarly, Jill recalled, “I Interviews occurred a median of eight months after the wanted to keep pursuing college and keep being in school judicial bypass hearing (range, 2.5–20 months). Three parand so [parenting] was going to get in the way.” ticipants’ judicial bypasses were denied. All but one particMany participants said they wanted to be mothers only ipant, who chose to parent after receiving a judicial bypass, when they could provide for a child. For example, Maya ultimately obtained an abortion. recalled, “I thought about me and the goals that I have and We explore two main themes: the abortion decision, how [parenting] would affect them. I thought about how including decision-making processes and reasons for the I would not be financially stable and I wouldn’t be able to abortion; and involvement of others, including privacy, legitimately care for someone else.” And Jacqueline said, social support and unwillingness to disclose to parents. “I know I wouldn’t have given my baby everything I wish I could. I wanted to be stable. I wanted to be emotionally, The Abortion Decision physically, mentally, in every sense stable, or at least close Participants’ most common responses to having a positive to being there to even think about having a kid.” pregnancy test were shock and disbelief: “I couldn’t believe Some young women reflected on their own traumatic it” or “I was in shock.” All but two participants described or unhealthy family circumstances and realized they did immediate negative emotions, and 13 said they knew very not want to raise a child in similar circumstances.Assignment: Literature Review on Abortion without Parental Consent Adriana, quickly that parenting was not the best option for them. who moved out of her parents’ home prior to the pregAs Jessica reported: “I dropped to the floor crying.… My nancy after experiencing emotional and substance abuse by mind was racing and he [the male involved] was like, ‘Oh family members in the house, said, “I didn’t want to bring my god, what are we going to do? We can’t be parents.’” a child into a situation like that if I’m already in—I don’t Similarly, Brittany recalled, “It was just my first thought. want to say suffering—but I don’t want another person to No, there is no way. I cannot—I cannot have this child, be suffering as much as I am.” I don’t even know how I could possibly do that by myself.” Other participants worried that they would have to raise •Mixed feelings. Seven participants described having­ the child on their own because they would not have mate“mixed feelings” when they learned they were pregnant— rial or emotional support from the male involved or from three of whom described initial happiness about the their parents. Jill reported, “The reason I chose to have [the pregnancy. After further consideration, however, these abortion] was because I didn’t have the money to take care women decided that abortion was the best decision. Cindy of [a baby] and I didn’t have the support of anyone. I was by reflected on her initial reaction and her ultimate decision: myself.” The male involved in Rebecca’s pregnancy refused “I was shocked but at the same time happy in a way.… to support her or the child if she continued the pregnancy. But then I really thought things through and realized this She was already raising a daughter on her own and “didn’t wasn’t 100% good because I was the top 10% in my class… want to do everything on my own again.… No one else is and I had plans to go to [college], and it would be hard to going to be there to take care of your kids. They’re going have a kid and go to college.” to say that they will, but they’re really not.” In other words, All participants, even those who said they knew right many participants were aware of the emotional and mateaway they did not want to parent, said they took time to rial support needed to parent, and a few participants made research and consider all their pregnancy options; this their abortion decision in part because they didn’t think time included consulting with others. Their descriptions of they would have enough support. their decisions, as well as the answer they provided to the •Nondisclosure to parents. Our sample included only question “What advice would you give to a young woman young women who had sought judicial bypass, so it is in a similar situation?” demonstrate that they understood not surprising that anticipated parental reactions to their Volume 52, Number 1, March 2020 Obtaining Abortion Without Parental Consent pregnancies contributed to their abortion decisions. Parti­ cipants described protecting their well-beings, and those of their loved ones—as well as their parental relationships— by not disclosing their pregnancy or abortion decision. Some anticipated that they would be kicked out of their homes, shamed, or emotionally or physically abused. Aliyah explained that although she “would struggle” to parent, fearing her mother’s reaction to her having a baby was a major reason she chose to have an abortion: “My biggest problem isn’t that…I would struggle [to parent].… That’s not the actual reason. Mine was having [the baby]. That initial shock would have been too much. My mom really might have killed someone.” Moreover, seven participants explained that their biggest worry after making the abortion decision was that their parents would find out about it. Finally, while participants ultimately decided that abortion was the best decision for them, they also considered the possible negative consequences, many of which were based on myths arising from either anticipated or enacted stigma. Twelve explained that one of their biggest worries was suffering physical or emotional harm from the abortion, including depression or death. Stephanie worried “that something was going to go wrong or that I wasn’t going to be able to have children again.” Amy, whose mother refused to consent to the … Get a 10 % discount on an order above $ 100 Use the following coupon code : NURSING10

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